Reggaeton on Broadway: No pare, sigue, sigue!

By Emily Goulding
Special to Hispanic Link Weekly Report

The theater is dark, and the only sound to be heard throughout the Richard Rogers Theatre on 46th St. is the lush, languorous skip of a traditional Caribbean bolero. The audience is transported back in time, but not for long –the record soon begins to skip and repetitiously trip over itself until the song’s choppy new rhythm turns into hip-hop. Para siempre, para siempre, para siempre, we hear – forever, and ever, and ever.

The Tony Award-winning musical In the Heights about the Dominican neighborhood of Washington Heights in upper New York City is a musical about making home. It is about permanence, and about meaning. In the Heights is about sticking around, and in the process, finding oneself. And while it has received critical praise for its original scoring, sharp acting, and expert storytelling techniques, it mainly deserves praise for marking a new phase in American musical theater by portraying – and celebrating – the modern Latino community as it is, on stage and in triple-time.



The Latino community has been subject to intense anti-immigrant sentiment for the past couple years. Overly simplistic visions of the community as quick-footed and temporal members of U.S. society have abounded in politics, media, and entertainment, and In the Heights contests them in a real and very powerful way.

On stage here is an aspirational community that celebrates and communicates in reggaeton; that loves living in a majority-Latino barrio but also dreams of leaving someday; that dreams, jokes, and curses in Spanish, English and yes, Yiddish; that sends some people off to Stanford University and tends to others who will live within the same five-block radius their entire lives. In the Heights lights up a Latino neighborhood that sings altogether in tune, that always knows everyone else’s business, but is always – always - complex.

In the Heights tells the story of ordinary life lived in an unordinary way. The very normal, ubiquitous processes of worrying about how to talk with parents, how to pay bills, how to be fully understood by one’s peers, and wearing cargo pants and little ballet flats is made distinct by the constant mental toggle between 2 modalities: the cultural lexicon of Latin America and the cultural lexicon of the United States. In the play, the concerns and realities of 1st and 2nd generation immigrants weave cycles through each other, and act in a seamless tandem.

This preoccupation to find a true sense of home does not have to do specifically with immigration though, but rather simple migration. In the Heights humanizes the psychology of inter-national and intra-national movement by showing that sometimes, moving down the street can be just as emotionally significant as moving out of the country.

The plot is built around two sets of young couples trying to find themselves but getting up, getting out, or getting over. Usnavi, the main character who was born in the Dominican Republic and came to the States as an infant named after the onomatopoeia of a U.S. Navy ship, dreams of going back to an island he admits is mostly a fiction for him. The woman he has a crush on, Vanessa, was born in Washington Heights, and dreams of moving to Downtown Manhattan.

The other couple, Benny and Mina, are two New York-born kids whose only barriers between them are differences in professional aspirations – Benny and Mina are in love, but Mina got accepted into Stanford University, and Benny works at her father’s taxi dispatch company, where he has worked since he was in high school. Mina, the native-born, book-smart heroine who aspires for white-collar life, is many ways the “star” character of the show acting as the functional double of the street-smart Usnavi who aspires to once again live on the island. Mina articulates her neighborhood’s broader struggle with reconciling conflicting intellectual legacies with songs like “Everything I Know,” where she values the teachings of the rural Cuban-born abuela grandmother character, and “Breathe,” where she ruminates about her perpetual feeling of displacement and discomfort with re-acculturating to Washington Heights after going away to California for college. Mina’s touching lyrics that she “…used to think we lived at the top of the world/When the world was just a subway map/And the 1-9 crossed a dotted line to my place” prove that places are not important because of power, but rather because of emotional significance. As opposed to the staid dorm rooms of an Ivy League institution, Mina felt she lived “at the top of the world” on the iron fire escapes of her childhood apartment building.

More moves the plot than a concern for place and movement, though. (After all, that would be overly simplistic!) In the Heights shows the various day-to-day realities that compose Latino life, including the good, the boring, and the ugly. Tight-knit relationships with a deep sense of family commitment lance the plot forward, but issues such as lack of financial literacy and ethnocentrism undermine those advancements. For instance, Vanessa has problems moving Downtown because her credit is poor. The reason her credit it poor is due to the fact that she is unbanked; as she says in the opening song, she keeps her security deposit in a box in her closet, so it doesn’t show up on her bank statement, and she subsequently can’t “…make a down payment/And pay rent.” Benny has romantic problems with Mina’s family because he is African-American; even though he culturally associates with Latinos and knows Spanish from growing up around Caribbean folks his whole life, he is firmly, constantly told he will never fully “understand” the community he has lived his whole life in.

In the Heights does its work in an aesthetic vocabulary built in equal parts by West Side Story, Spike Lee’s Do the Right Thing, the social realist works of Chicano playwright Luis Valdez, rapper Mos Def, and the salsa and reggaeton music of Hector LaVoe and Wisin y Yandel from Puerto Rico. The choreography is also a unique mélange. It is more physical theater than it is pure “dance.” Salsa - whose actual popularity in the Caribbean has steadily declined since its heyday in the late 80’s– is only danced once; in its stead, the main physical vocabulary of the show is hip-hop.

This mix of melodic romanticism and dystopic, hip-hop twined rhymes gives In the Heights is unique, informed, and empowered 21st century flavor. In the Heights shows that the evolution of culture – and the politics of culture – is a march that goes on and on, - no pare, sigue, sigue. Somewhere in between prose and street slang, in between four-year universities and day jobs, is Latino-American reality – a reality that’s here to stay, para siempre, para siempre.

Indeed, issues of “staying” are what brings the plot to a close. At the end of the play, the abuela character wins the lotto, parceling the money evenly between Usnavi and other neighborhood leaders. Instead of deciding to continue to dream about finding himself elsewhere, Usnavi decides to stay and invest in the neighborhood. Usnavi (and by extension, the actor and show author Lin Manuel-Mirandes, who is from the Washington Heights area) decides to claim his Home – onstage, for all to see, in the artistic capital of the country.

With this (albeit theatrical) announcement, an area that was formerly viewed by many to be just a pass-through portion of Manhattan 80 blocks above of what is important has now been put on the city’s psychological map as a place that matters, and above all a place that is special.

In his spoken word soliloquy finale, Usnavi confesses,

“Yeah, I’m a streetlight, chillin’ in the heat/
I illuminate the stories of the people in the street/
Some have happy endings, some are bittersweet/
But I love them all and that’s what makes my life complete/
If not me, then who keeps our legacies?/…
This corner is my destiny.”

While the entire finale is incredibly moving, one of the last sentences of the play is delivered with particular passion:

“I found my island I’ve been wanting this whole time/
I’m Home.”

This is the stuff that politicians like Congressman Sensenbrenner (who in 2006 single-handedly authored what was arguably the Republican party’s biggest public affairs disaster vis à vis Latinos in the past decade, H.R. 4772) and ex-California Governor Pete Wilson (who authored the draconian Proposition 187 of the mid-1990’s) don’t want to hear. For what it’s worth, this is also the stuff that many entertainment industry executives – who, often overwhelmed by the sheer complexity of the Latino community opt to finance more simplistic offerings– also haven’t wanted to or simply haven’t heard before.

This is also the stuff that the Tony award committee deemed the best production of the 2008 in a whopping four categories - for Best Musical, Best Original Choreography, Best Original Score, and Best Orchestrations.

Latinos are the largest ethnic minority group in the country, and finally a musical has been made that chronicles the lives, dreams, and hopes of 1st, 2nd, 3rd, and 4th generation Latinos in a realistic – and even fantastic- format. This new theatrical language that In the Heights has brought forth – perhaps the most important of which is the very fact that high art can and should be made about Latino life– is truly revolutionary. It has to do with power – the power of song, and the power of presentation. On stage is a world beautiful enough to sing songs about, with songs good enough to become part of our national cultural lexicon. And seated is an audience that has, at one level or another, made a new emotional home in a community that maybe they weren’t familiar with.

With In the Heights, instead of the melodic but tired tunes of Carousel or Chicago, the New York theater-going public can now sing along to a reggaeton version of a taxi-cab dispatch, or the heartfelt musical memoir of a Cuban grandmother as she reflects on her immigration experience, her loneliness, her poverty, and the bittersweet passing of time. (The cast album is already a bestseller on Amazon.com) In the Heights is, at the end of the day, just a great musical, as it does what musical theater does best – it uses story to enchant us, to educate us, and to enrapture us. This production does what very few others do, though - it enraptures us with reality, even if that reality isn’t our own.

This is the kind of cross-identification process that can make us collectively fall in love with our cities again. Beyond patriotism, we have joint pride in our shared places – pride in our shared spaces – and pride in our shared urban lives together.

This is good for Broadway … no pare, sigue, sigue!

For more, visit http://www.hispaniclink.org/.

Do Not Disturb the Living

By Danilo Alfaro

(As a new Link intern 19 years ago, Danilo Alfaro wrote about his encounter with a dead woman at Washington’s Dupont Circle.)

The woman had crumpled into a small pile that partially blocked the entrance to my neighborhood grocery store. She appeared to be in her 40s but could have been much younger. She wore purple polyester trousers and a yellow and white striped tank top. Beside her was an open can of beer. She did not stir. I stepped over her and into the store.

DuPont Circle becomes rather lively after 9 o’clock on a Saturday night, particularly during the summer. An interesting synergy takes place, with young professionals vying with panhandlers and other street people for the run of the neighborhood.

‘I TRIED TO SHAKE HER BUT...’

The storekeeper, round and bedraggled, was on the phone. I said hello and he nodded his reply. The store was owned by Lebanese and smelled of incense and tobacco.

Middle-Eastern music was barely audible from a radio behind the counter. “Yeah,” the round man said into the phone. “Yeah, she’s right in front of my business.” I walked toward the rear of the store.

A thin man with bemused expression walked past me carrying a load of flattened cardboard boxes. He looked inquiringly at his co-worker on his way out the door. His co-worker shrugged and continued his phone conversation. The thin man stepped over the woman as if she were a baby he did not want to disturb. I considered ice cream and debated between butter pecan and coffee.

“I tried to shake her but she didn’t move,” said the round man into the telephone. I pulled a six-pack of beer from the cooler and decided on a pint of butter pecan. “No,” said the round man. “No, I don’t think she’s breathing. I tried to shake her but she just lays there.” I glanced at the motionless woman. How many unconscious derelicts did I pass every day without checking for a pulse or other signs of life?

If she had sustained any injuries, they were not visible. She seemed more asleep than anything, curled somewhat natally. I wondered whether, weary and destitute, she might have simply laid down on that spot and died. I imagined her giving up her last breath with a sigh of resignation.

I tried to picture what she might have been like as a child, full of dreams, her hair combed and her eyes new and bright. I thought of her mother and the dreams she must have had for her child. I thought of any children the woman herself might have.

‘I JUST WANT SOMEONE TO TAKE IT AWAY’

The thin man reappeared in the doorway. He looked down at the woman briefly and then gazed up and down the street as if expecting someone to come claim her. He bent over, picked up the beer can and tossed it the into dumpster where it clattered emptily. She had finished it. “Six-nineteen,” the round man said to me when he had rung up my items. Into the phone he continued, “Yeah, right in front of my store. I just want someone to come take it away.”

I handed him a $10 bill and he made my change.

I struggled to place the woman into a life, to picture those that she had touched during her days. Would they ever know what happened? Would they care? I thought of her existence being summed up with one phone call, “I just want someone to come take it away.”

Someday could I end my existence that way, nameless, with strangers stepping over me like a crack in the pavement?

I wanted to scream or cry, and I hated myself for not being able to. Flushed, I grabbed my bag and left the store, stepping over the woman without breaking my stride. I didn’t look down. I felt ashamed. On the sidewalk the crowd pulsated and moved along.

I turned the corner and climbed the steps into my apartment. I collapsed onto the couch. Soon I heard the wail of the ambulance stop. I knew, of course, that for the lady blocking the store’s doorway, help had arrived too late.

(Danilo Alfaro was the first Salvadoran selected for a full-year Gannett Foundation internship with Hispanic Link.)

For more, visit www.hispaniclink.org.

---

SIN PELOS

DANILO’S TRAVELS: I first heard about Danilo Alfaro from his father, who was a serious player in El Salvador’s revolution at the time, reportedly with a price on his head.

In the course of our conversation about the tragic turmoil in his homeland, I had mentioned to the man that Hispanic Link was offering a one-year internship in Washington, D.C., for a Latino or Latina with aspirations to be a journalist.

“I have a son who likes to write,” Danilo’s father told me. The boy was living in the United States. The father asked for an internship application, which I gave him, figuring that would be the last of it.

To my surprise, it came back, filled out, with the required essay attached. Danilo was among three dozen applicants and six finalists, most of them college graduates, including one, I remember, with a master’s degree from a top Ivy League university.
On that score, Danilo didn’t exactly match up. He dropped out of school in Los Angeles in the 10th grade. He found his way to Portland, Oregon, where his brief work history revealed that he lost a $5-an-hour position as a “cook” in a pizza place because of “creative differences.” He listed his current employment at another pizza joint, at $4.50 an hour, as a “Hispanic dishwasher.”

His essay revealed much more: he wrote beautifully and thoughtfully, demonstrating his depth. He devoured books, which helped him develop more than his wry sense of humor.

He was our interview panel’s choice, and his year with us verified its judgment. He demonstrated all the requisite skills of a fine journalist in the making. After he pinned down in his still-maturing voice the evasive managing editor of a major Chicago daily on a particularly sensitive story, the editor called our publisher to complain about Danilo’s aggressiveness and “impudence.” After the conversation ended, the editor agreed that Danilo was just the kind of reporter his paper needed more of.

On another story, Danilo interviewed a recruiter at Goddard, a small New England college. The recruiter ended up, unsolicited, offering him a full scholarship, which Danilo accepted. He became editor of his school paper and went on to pick up a degree at Sarah Lawrence in New York.

Next stop, Merrill Lynch in the city. After two years came a transfer to Sydney, Australia, where he headed ML’s communications division for that region, which included New Zealand.

Danilo was promoted to Merrill Lynch in New York, leaving later to go into business in Los Angeles. Ironically, his replacement was killed days later on 9/11 at the World Trade Center.

That, for now, is where his trail ends. I hope he’s using his news-writing skills. Maybe he’ll read this and we’ll get back in touch.

LA Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa goes to Washington

by Kay Barbaro

TWO QUESTIONS: When Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa came to the capitolio last week, Hispanic Link took advantage of his visit to broach two questions that are on the minds of some politically involved Latinos in the City of the Angels.

The questions had been raised back home but the City Hall responses were either unclear or evasive, or maybe the questions were not framed precisely enough. So we tried our hand. First José de la Isla, the Link’s lead syndicated columnist, asked Villaraigosa if he planned to join in the May 1 march to City Hall in protesting workplace raids and supporting immigration reform.

The mayor’s answer: “I have a long history of advocacy on behalf of immigrants. I’ve always felt from my days as a high school student I had an obligation to speak for these people. But I don’t feel I need to be at every demonstration to do that. I didn’t attend the last May first event and I don’t expect that I’ll attend this one.” No se enojen, guys. José’s just the messenger.

Then Link publisher Charlie Ericksen asked if the mayor supported having the U.S. Department of Justice take action against the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors to redraw the lines for its five elective districts. Latinos comprise about half of the county’s ten million residents. The present lines overload one district — where Gloria Molina has served since 1991 — with Hispanics and spread the rest at about 20% each in the other four, safe for incumbents.

The mayor’s response: “I have been dealing with it of late. I was involved in the MALDEF/ACLU lawsuit that helped create a district where a Latino could get elected. Gloria Molina is a good friend of mine. I supported her campaign...I’m here today because of the Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act. I support it and to the extent that the Department of Justice determines that the Voting Rights Act requires that there be a second district where a Latino has a viable opportunity to get elected. I think it’s great. Whatever the Justice Department does, the California legislature will vindicate the Voting Rights Act in a couple years and I am certainly looking forward to that. It’s an important issue of representation as old as the founding of this country.”

For more, visit www.hispaniclink.org.

Clinton Has 15 Hispanic Capitol Hill Endorsements, McCain, 6, Obama, 5

By Emily Ruíz


Hillary Clinton has the most support among Latino Congressional Democrats, according to a tally by Weekly Report. Fourteen members of the House and one of the Senate have endorsed the New York senator, while five members of the Househave endorsed Barack Obama. All Latino Congressional Republicans have endorsed John McCain.

Here’s how they line up:

DEMOCRATS 21

HILLARY CLINTON 15

California: Reps. Joe Baca, Dennis Cardoza, Grace Napolitano, Lucille Roybal- Allard, Loretta Sánchez, Hilda Solís

Texas: Reps. Silvestre Reyes, Solomón Ortiz, Rubén Hinojosa, Henry Cuéllar

New York: Reps. José Serrano, Nydia Velásquez

New Jersey: Sen. Robert Menéndez, Rep. Albio Sires

Arizona: Rep. Ed Pastor

BARACK OBAMA 5

California: Reps. Xavier Becerra, Linda Sánchez

Texas: Rep. Charlie Gonzáles

Illinois: Rep. Luis Gutiérrez

Arizona: Rep. Raúl Grijalva

REPUBLICANS 6

JOHN MCCAIN 6

Florida: Sen. Mel Martínez, Reps. Mario Díaz-Balart, Lincoln Díaz-Balart, Ileana Ros-Lehtinen

California: Rep. Devin Nunes

Puerto Rico: Resident Commissioner Luis Fortuño

UNDECLARED 3

California: Rep. Jim Costa

Texas: Rep. Ciro Rodríguez

Colorado: Rep. John Salazar, Sen. Ken Salazar

For more, visit www.hispaniclink.org.

A Chicano Activist Celebrates an Anniversary

By Edward Barrios Acevedo

He could have been one heck of an auto mechanic. But the prevailing forces of the civil rights movement, a raging war overseas, and a leap of faith in education, rewrote the destiny of Armando Vázquez-Ramos.

Beginning this month and extending throughout the year, countless events will celebrate the 40th anniversary of what Armando and many others of his generation hail as the birth of the Chicano Movement.

They connect it with the March 1968 walkouts involving hundreds of East Los Angeles high school students.
Led by a passionate young teacher named Sal Castro, Mexican-American kids defied their instructors and in many instances their parents to protest institutional racism and inequitable education conditions on their campuses. Their actions lit a fire that engulfed young, brown teens throughout the whole Southwest.

This year Armando celebrates a parallel 40-year stretch at California State University at Long Beach that began as a student leader and continues as an activist professor. He doesn’t appear ready to slow down any time soon.

“Much has happened since then,” the burly, bespeckled professor reflects. “But we still see a similarity to the conditions we faced 40 years ago — unpopular war abroad, attacks on civil liberties, and a continuous dehumanization of immigrants and Latinos.”

ONE PROJECT: CAPTURING HISTORY

There has been tremendous progress, he admits, but challenges are everywhere, including raging dropout rates, poorly prepared college entrants, unacceptable retention statistics, and unequal representation at almost every level of business and government.

Today, the Chicano Studies professor says, he is offering tune-ups not of automobiles, but of the lives of underserved young people in this beachside town 20 miles south of Los Angeles.

At an early morning breakfast, I caught up with the professor to press him on the environment he finds himself in 2008.

“My mission is the same today as it was 40 years ago — to improve the educational level of my community,” he insists. He’s juggling a dozen projects, including writing a detailed account on the history of Mexican Americans in Long Beach for generations that follow to read.

LIFE AS LABORER WAS HOPEFUL GOAL

Over the years, Vázquez-Ramos has assisted thousands of students. Many return to him as elected officials, educators and business leaders, some seeking his counsel on issues, others just to absorb an old fashioned pep talk from a trusted adviser.

“Seeing students succeed as professionals and do things of value in their own communities is the greatest glory of teaching,” he insists.

Against a backdrop of poverty and lack of role models, Armando came to the United States from Mexico City when he was 12 years old. Life as a skilled laborer was a hopeful goal.

Then, when he graduated from Lincoln High School, where the walkouts were incubated the following year, he was accepted at California State University at Long Beach as part of the first Educational Opportunity Program (EOP) class in 1967-1968.

Today, the EOP program continues to identify promising students who need enrollment and education assistance.

“It really changed my life,” he reflects. “It has inspired me to do the same for others just like mE. He argues that there is a direct correlation between the success of students and curricula that reflect the cultural and ethnic content the Latino students demanded during those walkouts four decades ago. He recalls leading some fellow college freshman to visit Lincoln High and encourage the rebels to pursue their reform mission.
“It’s a constant struggle to eliminate ignorance and hate through education,” he says as he drives home his final point: “We all benefit from the investment. We owe our kids the same effort and opportunities that gave us our chance.”

(Edward Barrios Acevedo is a teacher and freelance writer in Los Angeles. He can be reached Edwardfactor@yahoo.com.)

Murguía Meets with CNN on Cable Hate Speech, MSNBC Next

Two of the nation’s three major cable networks agreed to meet with the National Council of La Raza to discuss its concerns about their encouraging hate speech. NCLR president Janet Murguía sent a letter Jan. 30 requesting to discuss the issue with the chief executive officers of the three networks.

The first session, with CNN Worldwide president Jim Walton was set for Feb. 21. By press time. neither organization responded to Weekly Report’s inquiries as to whether any understanding was reached.

The second meeting, with Murguía and MSNBC, is set for March 14.

“Fox News has sent us a written response which suggests that they may not be interested in a meeting; we have responded to them and are waiting to see what happens,” said Cecilia Muñoz, Senior VP of Research, Advocacy and Legislation at NCLR.

The letters requested that they stop inviting anti-immigrant extremists on their shows as experts on the immigration debate.

The National Council of La Raza launched its “We Can Stop the Hate,” campaign Jan 31. “to unmask the presence of hate groups and extremists on the immigration debate, especially on major cable networks.”

Muñoz added, “Many more organizations have notified us that they are writing letters to the networks as well. The response has been really encouraging.”

Since NCLR launched the campaign and its website www.WeCanStopTheHate.org, it has received an overwhelming positive response and the number of supporters has increased, Muñoz said.

Next on the NCLR agenda is taking a closer look at electoral campaigns. “We expect a number of congressional and local races to focus on the immigration issue, and intend to call them on it if they use materials or spokespeople from hate or extremist groups,” she said.

The website allows anyone to get involved or just stay informed with its weekly updates on the impact extremist groups are having on immigrant communities. Muñoz said, “We’re taking it one step at a time, but are very serious about achieving success. We hope this is a campaign that will enlist people from across all communities.”

This post was written by Hispanic Link reporter Emily Ruiz.

For more, visit www.hispaniclink.org.

Memo to Media: Stop Using Hate Groups as ‘Immigration Experts’

By Janet Murguía

“Janet is a lying, fact-misrepresenting Mexican jerk. There will come a day when the average American has had enough of her and her lies and runs her back to Mexico with the rest of the diseased, ignorant, budget ruining, crime causing scum they are.”

Since I became head of the National Council of La Raza (NCLR) three years ago, I have received hate mail. My predecessor got it as well. Typically, we shrug it off as coming with the territory. When people tell me to “go back to where you came from,” I joke that they would be surprised to find they are sending me back home to Kansas.

It is no longer a joke. I received that email above at the height of the immigration debate and have received many more, including death threats. So have many members of my staff. The immigration debate has opened the floodgates to hate speech in this country of ours. Hate and extremists are defining the debate on immigration.

Hate is part of our national legacy. Throughout U.S. history, Native Americans, African Americans, Irish immigrants and other groups have suffered from injustice stemming from hate. The immigration debate has made the Hispanic community hate’s latest target, and too often, the news media serve as the anti-immigrants’ bullhorn.

The Internet, television, and the political stage have become platforms for hate. Turning the term “illegal” into a noun, nativists, extremists and politicians have broadcast their messages across the county. They demonize the undocumented and, in turn, all Latinos. They depict us as disease-ridden invaders and criminals.

The media have been instrumental in moving this language from the fringes of society right into our living rooms and everyday lives.

Dan Stein, president of FAIR, the Federation for American Immigration Reform, has warned that immigrant groups are engaged in “competitive breeding” aimed at eliminating white power. He has appeared eight times on MSNBC and 18 times on CNN. The Southern Poverty Law Center has labeled FAIR a hate group.

Television talk show hosts like CNN’s Lou Dobbs have echoed the anti-immigrant hate speech, calling undocumented immigrants “criminals” and an “army of invaders.” Glenn Beck, a CNN commentator, jokingly read an ad that said the one-step solution to the immigration and energy crises is a “giant refinery” that produces “Mexinol,” a fuel made from the bodies of illegal immigrants coming here from Mexico.

The news media are not the only ones willing to work with anti-immigrant extremists; some politicians do, too. Republican presidential candidate Mike Huckabee accepted the endorsement of Jim Gilchrist, a man who proclaimed he is “proud to be a vigilante.”

The distorted images projected by the media and some politicians have had dangerous consequences. All Latinos become targets for anti-immigrant hate crimes and speech because it is impossible to look at us and determine who is a citizen and who is not.

According to the FBI, anti-Latino hate crimes have increased by 23% over the past two years.

The reality is that most immigrants, undocumented and documented, are hardworking and family-oriented – they are a part of our national fabric. Many hold down multiple jobs to provide for their families. The undocumented would choose to be here legally if they could, but the immigration system is broken. For people wanting to come here, there is a 20-year backlog to legal entry.

The only way to combat hate is to confront it with something just as strong, just as pervasive in society – hope. The hope for a better future for all U.S. residents is the driving force behind NCLR’s efforts to unite with others to silence hate speech and stop hate crimes.

Last month, I experienced the power of hope firsthand. I was honored to be the first Hispanic keynote speaker at the annual Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. unity breakfast in Birmingham, Alabama. I urged African Americans and Latinos to renew both communities’ historic commitment to promoting equal opportunity for all of us. Unity among all communities will strengthen our resolve to remove hate from the mainstream.

Anti-immigrant groups are using every medium to spread their message of hate. We must be just as persistent with our message of hope. NCLR has launched a website, www.wecanstopthehate.org, as part of our Wave of Hope campaign. We have also written letters to politicians and network executives insisting that they eliminate hate from the immigration debate on their news programs.

Hope is more than just wishing for improvement. It is an expectation backed by action. The media have a responsibility not to amplify the voice of hate. The rest of us have a responsibility to challenge those seeking office to renounce the politics of hate and to distance themselves from those known to be affiliated with hate groups or vigilantes. Together, we can ensure that hope triumphs.

(Janet Murguía, president & CEO of the National Council of La Raz, the nation’s largest Hispanic advocacy and civil rights organization, writes a monthly commentary for Hispanic Link News Service. Reach her at opi@nclr.org)

OUR 25TH ANNIVERSARY YEAR...

¡feliz aniversario!

Weekly Report was born in 1983, the child of the fertile minds and big
visions of our tiny staff. Give the community bullets of information and
let it take aim at those guarding the white towers of power.

In its prototype 4-page edition, our first Gannett Foundation intern-reporter, Julio Barreto, exposed the U.S. Congress as one of the nation’s worst “old white boys” clubs. In a nation that was 8.6% Hispanic, less than one percent of Congress’s staff
and committee members were Hispanic.

To get that figure right, Julio had to contact well over 500 congressional offices.

California’s reputed liberal Senator Alan Cranston, running for the Democratic nomination for president at the time, had a single Hispanic on his staff of 64.

Because of the attention given Julio’s story by that state’s press, Cranston’s next five hires were Hispanic, we were informed.

OUR 25TH ANNIVERSARY YEAR...


This 25th anniversary edition of Weekly Report blends the wit and wisdom of some of our early creative voices and respected spokespersons. Challenging your memories and hindsight are:

STEVE PADILLA: Weekly Report’s founding editor, now an editor with the Los Angeles Times, sets the stage with recollections to remind us that journalism can be fun.

DOUG MARTÍNEZ: Who is our leader? The former Link columnist answers that question in 1980.

ARMANDO RODRÍGUEZ: In another 1980 column, the man of a thousand Hispanic “firsts” reveals through personal experience the many identities we endure.

KAREN LYNN CLOS: In 1992, this strong Latina voice warns of confusing our cultural strengths with fads and pageantry.

PATRICIO FLORES: In 1980 our foremost religious leader suggests that Hispanics explore a different approach for a different time.

WILLIE VELÁSQUEZ: Also in 1980, voter registration pioneer answers the question, “What’s the most enduring political tradition in the Southwest?”

WEEKLY REPORT’S CARTOONS HELPED TELL THE HISPANIC STORY: Take a look at a few of the cartoons Weekly Report printed over the years including some of Lalo Alcaraz’s cartoons when he was still in college.

For more, visit www.hispaniclink.org.